I am the First Accused. I hold a Bachelor's Degree in Arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo. I am a convicted prisoner serving five years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people to go on strike at the end of May 1961. At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion made by the State in its opening that the struggle in South Africa is under the influence of foreigners or communists is wholly incorrect. I have done whatever I did, both as an individual and as a leader of my people, because of my experience in South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because of what any outsider might have said. In my youth in the Transkei I listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days. Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in defence of the fatherland. The names of Dingane and Bambata, Hintsa and Makana, Squngthi and Dalasile, Moshoeshoe and Sekhukhune, were praised as the glory of the entire African nation. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle. This is what has motivated me in all that I have done in relation to the charges made against me in this case. Having said this, I must deal immediately and at some length with the question of violence. Some of the things so far told to the Court are true and some are untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the Whites. I admit immediately that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto we Sizwe, and that I played a prominent role in its affairs until I was arrested in August 1962. In the statement which I am about to make I shall correct certain false impressions which have been created by State witnesses. Amongst other things, I will demonstrate that certain of the acts referred to in the evidence were not and could not have been committed by Umkhonto. I will also deal with the relationship between the African National Congress and Umkhonto, and with the part which I personally have played in the affairs of both organizations. I shall deal also with the part played by the Communist Party. In order to explain these matters properly, I will have to explain what Umkhonto set out to achieve; what methods it prescribed for the achievement of these objects, and why these methods were chosen. I will also have to explain how I became involved in the activities of these organizations. I deny that Umkhonto was responsible for a number of acts which clearly fell outside the policy of the organisation, and which have been charged in the indictment against us. I have already mentioned that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto. I, and the others who started the organization, did so for two reasons. Firstly, we believed that as a result of Government policy, violence by the African people had become inevitable, and that unless responsible leadership was given to canalize and control the feelings of our people, there would be outbreaks of terrorism which would produce an intensity of bitterness and hostility between the various races of this country which is not produced even by war. Secondly, we felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the Government. We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence. But the violence which we chose to adopt was not terrorism. We who formed Umkhonto were all members of the African National Congress, and had behind us the ANC tradition of non violence and negotiation as a means of solving political disputes. We believe that South Africa belongs to all the people who live in it, and not to one group, be it black or white. We did not want an interracial war, and tried to avoid it to the last minute. If the Court is in doubt about this, it will be seen that the whole history of our organization bears out what I have said, and what I will subsequently say, when I describe the tactics which Umkhonto decided to adopt. I want, therefore, to say something about the African National Congress. The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people which had been seriously curtailed by the South Africa Act, and which were then being threatened by the Native Land Act. For thirty seven years that is until 1949 it adhered strictly to a constitutional struggle. It put forward demands and resolutions; it sent delegations to the Government in the belief that African grievances could be settled through peaceful discussion and that Africans could advance gradually to full political rights. But White Governments remained unmoved, and the rights of Africans became less instead of becoming greater. In the words of my leader, Chief Luthuli, who became President of the ANC in 1952, and who was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize: "who will deny that thirty years of my life have been spent knocking in vain, patiently, moderately, and modestly at a closed and barred door? What have been the fruits of moderation? The past thirty years have seen the greatest number of laws restricting our rights and progress, until today we have reached a stage where we have almost no rights at all". Even after 1949, the ANC remained determined to avoid violence. At this time, however, there was a change from the strictly constitutional means of protest which had been employed in the past. The change was embodied in a decision which was taken to protest against apartheid legislation by peaceful, but unlawful, demonstrations against certain laws. Pursuant to this policy the ANC launched the Defiance Campaign, in which I was placed in charge of volunteers. This campaign was based on the principles of passive resistance. More than 8,500 people defied apartheid laws and went to jail. Yet there was not a single instance of violence in the course of this campaign on the part of any defier. I and nineteen colleagues were convicted for the role which we played in organizing the campaign, but our sentences were suspended mainly because the Judge found that discipline and non violence had been stressed throughout. This was the time when the volunteer section of the ANC was established, and when the word 'Amadelakufa' was first used: this was the time when the volunteers were asked to take a pledge to uphold certain principles. Evidence dealing with volunteers and their pledges has been introduced into this case, but completely out of context. The volunteers were not, and are not, the soldiers of a black army pledged to fight a civil war against the whites. They were, and are dedicated workers who are prepared to lead campaigns initiated by the ANC to distribute leaflets, to organize strikes, or do whatever the particular campaign required. They are called volunteers because they volunteer to face the penalties of imprisonment and whipping which are now prescribed by the legislature for such acts. During the Defiance Campaign, the Public Safety Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act were passed. These Statutes provided harsher penalties for offences committed by way of protests against laws. Despite this, the protests continued and the ANC adhered to its policy of non violence. In 1956, 156 leading members of the Congress Alliance, including myself, were arrested on a charge of high treason and charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. The non violent policy of the ANC was put in issue by the State, but when the Court gave judgement some five years later, it found that the ANC did not have a policy of violence. We were acquitted on all counts, which included a count that the ANC sought to set up a communist state in place of the existing regime. The Government has always sought to label all its opponents as communists. This allegation has been repeated in the present case, but as I will show, the ANC is not, and never has been, a communist organization. In 1960 there was the shooting at Sharpeville, which resulted in the proclamation of a state of emergency and the declaration of the ANC as an unlawful organization. My colleagues and I, after careful consideration, decided that we would not obey this decree. The African people were not part of the Government and did not make the laws by which they were governed. The ANC refused to dissolve, but instead went underground. We believed it was our duty to preserve this organization which had been built up with almost fifty years of unremitting toil. I have no doubt that no self respecting White political organization would disband itself if declared illegal by a government in which it had no say. In 1960 the Government held a referendum which led to the establishment of the Republic. Africans, who constituted approximately 70 per cent of the population of South Africa, were not entitled to vote, and were not even consulted about the proposed constitutional change. All of us were apprehensive of our future under the proposed White Republic, and a resolution was taken to hold an All In African Conference to call for a National Convention, and to organize mass demonstrations on the eve of the unwanted Republic, if the Government failed to call the Convention. The conference was attended by Africans of various political persuasions. I was the Secretary of the conference and undertook to be responsible for organizing the national stay at home which was subsequently called to coincide with the declaration of the Republic. As all strikes by Africans are illegal, the person organizing such a strike must avoid arrest. I was chosen to be this person, and consequently I had to leave my home and family and my practice and go into hiding to avoid arrest. The stay at home, in accordance with ANC policy, was to be a peaceful demonstration. Careful instructions were given to organizers and members to avoid any recourse to violence. The Government's answer was to introduce new and harsher laws, to mobilize its armed forces, and to send Saracens, armed vehicles, and soldiers into the townships in a massive show of force designed to intimidate the people. This was an indication that the Government had decided to rule by force alone, and this decision was a milestone on the road to Umkhonto. Some of this may appear irrelevant to this trial. In fact, I believe none of it is irrelevant because it will, I hope, enable the Court to appreciate the attitude eventually adopted by the various persons and bodies concerned in the National Liberation Movement. When I went to jail in 1962, the dominant idea was that loss of life should be avoided. I now know that this was still so in 1963. I must return to June 1961. What were we, the leaders of our people, to do? Were we to give in to the show of force and the implied threat against future action, or were we to fight it and, if so, how? We had no doubt that we had to continue the fight. Anything else would have been abject surrender. Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the fight. We of the ANC had always stood for a non racial democracy, and we shrank from any action which might drive the races further apart than they already were. But the hard facts were that fifty years of non violence had brought the African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and fewer and fewer rights. It may not be easy for this Court to understand, but it is a fact that for a long time the people had been talking of violence of the day when they would fight the White man and win back their country and we, the leaders of the ANC, had nevertheless always prevailed upon them to avoid violence and to pursue peaceful methods. When some of us discussed this in May and June of 1961, it could not be denied that our policy to achieve a non racial State by non violence had achieved nothing, and that our followers were beginning to lose confidence in this policy and were developing disturbing ideas of terrorism. It must not be forgotten that by this time violence had, in fact, become a feature of the South African political scene. Thirty nine Africans died in these disturbances. In 1961 there had been riots in Warmbaths, and all this time the Transkei had been a seething mass of unrest. Each disturbance pointed clearly to the inevitable growth among Africans of the belief that violence was the only way out it showed that a Government which uses force to maintain its rule teaches the oppressed to use force to oppose it. Already small groups had arisen in the urban areas and were spontaneously making plans for violent forms of political struggle. There now arose a danger that these groups would adopt terrorism against Africans, as well as Whites, if not properly directed. Particularly disturbing was the type of violence engendered in places such as Zeerust, Sekhukhuniland, and Pondoland amongst Africans. It was increasingly taking the form, not of struggle against the Government though this is what prompted it but of civil strife amongst themselves, conducted in such a way that it could not hope to achieve anything other than a loss of life and bitterness. At the beginning of June 1961, after a long and anxious assessment of the South African situation, I, and some colleagues, came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be unrealistic and wrong for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non violence at a time when the Government met our peaceful demands with force. This conclusion was not easily arrived at. It was only when all else had failed, when all channels of peaceful protest had been barred to us, that the decision was made to embark on violent forms of political struggle, and to form Umkhonto we Sizwe. We did so not because we desired such a course, but solely because the Government had left us with no other choice. In the Manifesto of Umkhonto published on 16 December 1961, which is Exhibit AD, we said: "The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. We shall not submit and we have no choice but to hit back by all means in our power in defence of our people, our future, and our freedom". This was our feeling in June of 1961 when we decided to press for a change in the policy of the National Liberation Movement. I can only say that I felt morally obliged to do what I did. We who had taken this decision started to consult leaders of various organizations, including the ANC. I will not say whom we spoke to, or what they said, but I wish to deal with the role of the African National Congress in this phase of the struggle, and with the policy and objectives of Umkhonto we Sizwe. As far as the ANC was concerned, it formed a clear view which can be summarized as follows: It was a mass political organization with a political function to fulfil. Its members had joined on the express policy of non violence. Because of all this, it could not and would not undertake violence. This must be stressed. One cannot turn such a body into the small, closely knit organization required for sabotage. Nor would this be politically correct, because it would result in members ceasing to carry out this essential activity: political propaganda and organization. Nor was it permissible to change the whole nature of the organization. Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Dark Grey Electric Green Wolf Grey ,Men Nike Free 3.0 Soar Blue Pure Platinum Reflective Silver Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Wolf Grey Game Royalblue Wolf Grey Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Gym Red Reflective Silver Pro Platinum Men Nike Free 3.0 Soar Blue Pure Platinum Reflective Silver Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Tiffany Blue Quilted Nike Free 3.0 Light Bone Reflective Silver Iguana Green Men Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Wolf Grey Game Royalblue Wolf Grey Nike Free 3.0 Light Bone Reflective Silver Iguana Green Men Men Nike Free 3.0 Soar Blue Pure Platinum Reflective Silver What can I do if I'm having trouble pumping?For many women, the most difficult thing about pumping is finding the time to fit it into their schedule during the workday or finding a comfortable, private space to do it in. But pumping doesn't come easily for everyone. Here are some reasons you may be having trouble getting much milk out and some tips for what to do about it: You may be pumping too soon after your last session of nursing or pumping. You won't get much milk out of your breasts if you or your baby has recently done a good job of draining them. It can be hard to get enough milk if the suction pressure is too low or the cycling speed is too fast. In some cases, your pump may not provide the right pumping pattern for you no matter how you adjust it. Some women have trouble getting enough milk out if they're using a manual pump or an electric one that doesn't work very well (after about a year of use the battery may be worn out). This is a common problem because most pumps come with phalanges that are designed for women with small nipples. There are many reasons for this, including not nursing often enough and not staying hydrated by drinking plenty of fluids. Try to relax and get yourself comfortable while pumping. Or talk to . They can often help with problems and be a great source of support. 1 2 3 Problem: baby isn sucking enough milk; mama isn pumping enough milk. Think how a farmer milks a cow. There a very particular downward motion combined with compression that has to be performed. If you have any concerns about your own health or the health of your child, you should always consult with a physician or other healthcare professional. Please review the Terms of Use before using this site. Your use of the site indicates your agreement to be bound by the Terms of Use. Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Dark Grey Electric Green Wolf Grey,This question requires your answer: "How can I become rich?" After this, check yourself and look out for possible answers. If you cannot find answers to this question no matter how hard you try, consider the ones written below: 1. Purchase items then sell them Buying items people often need, like bags, shoes, home products, food items and others, is one of the best method to answer the "How can I become rich" question. Afterwards, sell them. You can choose to display them in your home or bring them to the homes of your possible clients. Make sure, though, that people will like your products so you are sure of profit. If not, these will just litter your house and you will tend to use them for yourself and for your family. Your dream of being rich is far from becoming a reality. 2. Sell real estate properties Answer the question "How can I become rich?" through selling of properties. But, are you interested in the world of real estates? Great commissions are waiting for you, that is if you sell several properties. Hence, hard work is a very important factor. For one, you have to distribute brochures in places where many people go. Call and invite prospective clients to an open house for them to see the properties for sale. Soon as you are with them, speak about the benefits that they will gain out of buying these properties. This is a 24/7 effort almost. Can you do this? 3. Begin with a small lending or payday loan business if you have cash enough to start as a capital, consider this plan. You have to be careful, though, with the individuals with whom you will lend your money; they must be trustworthy. You see, payday loans can make you rich. 4. Venture in an online business Some online businesses necessitate capital and hard work. It is for the reason that you have to hire Web developers or Web designers. Also, Web marketers are necessary in your online business because they will create your marketing plan, plus online advertisers to help you with your advertisements. It may also be imperative for you to hire employees. For these, choose carefully which online business you will venture in. Or else, your money will go to nothing. Answering the question "How can I become rich?" is very easy, proving it is not. This is why you have to be careful with your actions. Just set your goal and concentrate on it becoming rich is possible.
Cheap Price Fabulous Quality Promise Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Dark Grey Electric Green Wolf Grey,Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Tiffany Blue Quilted From the birth of Nike Company till now, numerous wonderful products have been introduced, say, shoes, clothes, bags, etc. It is well known that Nike Company has gained international fame in recent yeas because of its high quality products. Nike Air Max running which is a member in the family of Nike air chooses not to name the year with the releasing of Nike Air Max 360 shoes. Nike Air Structure Triax Men's shoes also belong to the above types. Shoes of this type are running shoes and they can also be considered as rather durable among all Nike shoes. Something interesting can be found from all wears when you observe their reactions to Nike shoes. Some customers declare that Nike running shoes can be the most comfortable ones among all shoes they have bought. While for other wearers, they feel a little tight with Nike shoes on feet. The Nike Air Structure Triax Men's shoes can show an actual durability under real road conditions. For large amount of people, these shoes seem to be more like fashionable ones, rather than running ones. This is interesting. Nike shoes gain more and more favor from people. Maybe this should also be owed to the fashion of Nike shoes. As for Nike Air Max 2010 shoes, they are favored as "Heartbeat shoes". Good breathability is endowed to these shoes, and this is vital to a runner. Nowadays, Nike Air Max 2010 shoes have been widely accepted for their great cushion which is derived from a simple corridor. The midsole of these shoes is a Full chunk polyurethane one. Nike Company offers customers chance to customize and personalize Nike shoes. If you are a Nike fan, you will absolutely be interested in this. Just by clicking buttons to Nike shoes, you can have your own unique shoes. Among all models, you can choose your favorite one. then for different parts of your shoes, you are permitted to choose various materials and colors. Finally they can add their name to the shoes. Their design of their Nike shoes can be saved in the end or ordered. We offer Nike shoes like Air max series and Air Force ones sold at whole price. Besides, kinds of other Nike shoes at the lowest price but with excellent quality are also available, for example, Nike af1, af1 low, af1 high, af1 dunk, Nike max 95, Nike Air Max 90, Nike max 91, max 91, Nike max 95, Nike max 97, max97, Nike max180, Nike max360, max 360, max 180, Nike max ltd, Nike max TN, max 2003, Nike max 2009, max 2009, air force 1, air force one, Nike af1, Nike air force 1, Nike max. To enjoy long distance running, you'd better own a pair of Nike Air Max Running Shoes. You are sure to enjoy our satisfying service and safe delivery from us and get these excellent quality shoes at low price. Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Dark Grey Electric Green Wolf Grey The bottom line is that when children begin to walk and run, barefoot is best, but soft shoes are good when protection is needed. We used Robeez on our DS when he was learning to walk in Italy mostly because the marble and travertine floors were slick, and the Robeez gave hime grip. Plus, they were just darned cute! Maybe ask if they will purchase you a pair. That way they can be involved. (They are having a 40% off sale right now.) My mil could be told by the Pope himself that its not a good idea and she still would do whatever she wanted. I simply want to educate her since she has not cared for a baby since my husband was little. Because I am 400 miles away from them right now, simply taking them off is not an option. My mother in law did not put them on him to play dress up. She is expecting him to not only walk around in them all day but also wear them to a funeral later on today. I am willing to bet my life blood that when they come home tomorrow, the shoes are going to be on his feet. I wouldn't mind so much if they were new shoes (I would be a little upset because I wanted to buy his first pair) but the fact that they are torn up, dirty (they were white but are grey now), stored in a box in a garage and used thirty years ago makes me shudder.
Come To Outlet Store Online To Buy Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Dark Grey Electric Green Wolf Grey Have Become Focus In The World
Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Tiffany Blue Quilted
Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Black Gym Red Wolf Grey
Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Gym Red Reflective Silver Pro Platinum
Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Dark Grey Wolf Grey
Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Gym Red Reflective Silver Pro Platinum
Men Nike Free 3.0 Soar Blue Pure Platinum Reflective Silver
Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Gym Red Reflective Silver Pro Platinum
Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Dark Grey Wolf Grey
Golden Goose Blue Glitter
Men Nike Free Run 3.0 V4 Tiffany Blue Quilted